Revolt in 2100

Cover art for Revolt in 2100

Cov­er art for Revolt in 2100

In a hur­ry to get out the door, I grabbed a paper­back at ran­dom for sub­way read­ing. It was a bat­tered copy of Robert Heinlein’s Revolt in 2100 which I had last read in 1985. It’s three sto­ries are ear­ly Hein­lein, mate­r­i­al that had first appeared in the pulp mag­a­zines in the 1930s and 1940s. The sto­ries that he wrote at that time were framed with­in a puta­tive “future his­to­ry.” That is to say, that the sto­ries were not direct­ly con­nect­ed, but all exist­ed in the same pro­ject­ed imag­i­nary future, cov­er­ing sev­er­al thou­sand years. Much was made of this “future his­to­ry” at the time, but Hein­lein aban­doned the project to pur­sue oth­er writ­ing paths from the 1950s until his death in 1988. The books that col­lect­ed the “future his­to­ry” sto­ries each repro­duced a chart plac­ing the sto­ries in time, with notes on tech­no­log­i­cal, social and polit­i­cal events. It was, Hein­lein always main­tained, a work of spec­u­la­tive imag­i­na­tion, not of attempt­ed prophe­cy. But some of its spec­u­la­tions weren’t too far of the mark. In sto­ries writ­ten in 1940 an 1949, he had the first land­ing on the moon take place in 1978. In sub­se­quent real­i­ty, it occurred in 1969. But what is espe­cial­ly inter­est­ing is that the “future his­to­ry” has the Unit­ed States suc­cumb to a fun­da­men­tal­ist reli­gious dic­ta­tor­ship some­where close to the year 2017. One of the sto­ries is about the rebel­lion against this dic­ta­tor­ship. At the end of the vol­ume, first pub­lished in 1953, Hein­lein pro­vid­ed a postscipt, Con­cern­ing Sto­ries Nev­er Writ­ten, in which he explained that some of the sto­ries list­ed in the chart, those tak­ing place dur­ing the ear­ly part of the dic­ta­tor­ship, he chose not to write because the sub­ject mat­ter was too depress­ing. Con­cern­ing their main premise, he wrote:

As for the sec­ond notion, the idea that we could lose our free­dom by suc­cumb­ing to a wave of reli­gious hys­te­ria, I am sor­ry to say that I con­sid­er it pos­si­ble. I hope that it is not prob­a­ble. But there is a latent deep strain of reli­gious fanati­cism in this cul­ture; it is root­ed in our his­to­ry and it has bro­ken out many times in the past. It is with us now; there has been a sharp rise in strong­ly evan­gel­i­cal sects in this coun­try in recent years, some of which hold beliefs theo­crat­ic in the extreme, anti-intel­lec­tu­al, anti-sci­en­tif­ic, and anti-lib­er­tar­i­an [1]. 

Fur­ther on, he added:

…a com­bi­na­tion of a dynam­ic evan­ge­list, tele­vi­sion, enough mon­ey, and mod­ern tech­niques of adver­tis­ing and pro­pa­gan­da might make Bil­ly Sun­day [2]’s efforts look like a cor­ner store com­pared to Sears Roe­buck. Throw in a depres­sion for good mea­sure, promise a mate­r­i­al heav­en here on earth, add a dash of anti-Semi­tism, anti-Catholi­cism, anti-Negro­ism [3], and a good dose of anti-“furriners” in gen­er­al and anti-intel­lec­tu­als here at home and the result might be some­thing quite fright­en­ing — par­tic­u­lar­ly when one recalls that our vot­ing sys­tem is such that a minor­i­ty dis­trib­uted as plu­ral­i­ties in enough states can con­sti­tute a work­ing major­i­ty in Washington.

Hein­lein imag­ined his fic­tion­al dic­ta­tor, Nehemi­ah Scud­der, as a back­woods hick bankrolled by big-mon­ey tycoons and helped along by the Repub­li­can estab­lish­ment, with murky ties to the Ku Klux Klan. The key to his pow­er is his use of tele­vi­sion. This is remark­able con­sid­er­ing that broad­cast tele­vi­sion in the Unit­ed States had exist­ed for only three years when Hein­lein wrote this. Few peo­ple thought tele­vi­sion was polit­i­cal­ly sig­nif­i­cant until a decade lat­er. Equal­ly inter­est­ing is his ref­er­ence to the pecu­liar­i­ties of the Amer­i­can elec­toral sys­tem that went large­ly unno­ticed until they made Nehemi­ah Scu…— I’m sor­ry, I meant Don­ald Trump — the Pres­i­dent of the Unit­ed States of Amer­i­ca. Reli­gious fanati­cism is not the only com­po­nent of Trump­ism, which is a total­i­tar­i­an ide­ol­o­gy sim­i­lar to Nazism, Com­mu­nism and Fas­cism. Like all such total­i­tar­i­an move­ments, it brings togeth­er many dis­parate groups and motives. But reli­gious fun­da­men­tal­ists form a con­sid­er­able block of Trump’s cred­u­lous “core” fol­low­ing — and among them many are “Domin­ion­ists”, i.e. believ­ers and pro­mot­ers of a lit­er­al reli­gious dic­ta­tor­ship abol­ish­ing the sep­a­ra­tion of Church and State. There is even a bizarre move­ment that explains Trump’s obvi­ous irre­li­gion, sex­u­al per­ver­sion and per­son­al cor­rup­tion as “proof” that he is a vehi­cle of divine inter­ven­tion — a typ­i­cal sort of men­tal gym­nas­tic that one expects from the reli­gious fanatic.

Hein­lein is a writer who has been bizarrely co-opt­ed by some of the most evil and trea­so­nous move­ments in today’s Amer­i­ca. He is often quot­ed by peo­ple who are essen­tial­ly dis­ci­ples of Nehemi­ah Scud­der. A sim­i­lar process has tak­en place with George Orwell. Orwell, an anti-total­i­tar­i­an who utter­ly despised Con­ser­vatism, is reg­u­lar­ly quot­ed by Con­ser­v­a­tives to sup­port the very things that Orwell opposed. Every­body who thinks and writes seri­ous­ly has to take into account that their work might be exploit­ed and dis­tort­ed in this fashion.

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[1] the term “lib­er­tar­i­an”, in 1953, did not sig­ni­fy the “Lib­er­tar­i­an” polit­i­cal move­ment of today, but instead meant rough­ly what the term “lib­er­al” is now used to signify.

[2] Bil­ly Sun­day (1862–1935) was an evan­ge­list with fun­da­men­tal­ist views whose pop­u­lar­i­ty peaked some­what before World War I. He pio­neered many of the tech­niques used by lat­er evan­ge­lists in mass ral­lies, which were then mod­i­fied for radio and tele­vi­sion. He attached him­self to the Repub­li­can par­ty, and cam­paigned against immi­gra­tion from Europe, the teach­ing of evo­lu­tion, danc­ing, card-play­ing, attend­ing the the­atre, read­ing nov­els, and the usu­al sex­u­al “sins”. He was one of the key moti­va­tors in the move­ment toward alco­hol pro­hi­bi­tion that cul­mi­nat­ed in the 18th Amend­ment in 1919. 

[3] The use of the terms “Black” and “African-Amer­i­can” were unknown in 1953. Lib­er­als and non-racists at that time referred to African-Amer­i­cans as “Negro”, as did most African-Amer­i­cans themselves.

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