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FIRST MEDITATION ON DICTATORSHIP (written Thursday, February 7, 2008)

We are so hamyd,
For-taxed and ramyd,
By these gentlery-men!

― The Wake­field Sec­ond Shep­herds’ Play, c.1425–1450 [1]

We are men the same as they are:
Our mem­bers are as straight as theirs are,
Our bod­ies stand as high from the ground,
The pain we suffer’s as profound.
Our only need is courage now,
To pledge our­selves by solemn vow,
Our goods and per­sons to defend,
And stay togeth­er to this end…

Robert Wace, Le roman de la Rou et des ducs deNor­mandie, 1160–70s [2]

On my return to Prague, last year, after tramp­ing in Hun­gary and Tran­syl­va­nia, my friend Fil­ip Marek took a day off for some more explo­rations of the Bohemi­an coun­try­side. This turned out to be the most emo­tion­al­ly charged day in my trav­els, and I’ve delayed describ­ing it because of its per­son­al impor­tance to me.

The land­scape around Prague is not much dif­fer­ent, at first glance, from that of South­ern Ontario. It’s rich farm­land, gen­tly rolling hills, and patch­es of mixed for­est sim­i­lar to those around Toron­to. Most of it was so pleas­ant that I couldn’t help replay­ing snatch­es of Dvořák, Smetana and Janáček in my head as the car rolled under the dap­pled sun­lit trees, past fields and vil­lages that seem to be both ancient and brand new at the same time. How­ev­er, our quest was to extract some­thing incon­gru­ous­ly dis­turb­ing and trag­ic from Bohemia’s woods and streams.[3] We were going to see two places that do not loom large in the his­to­ry books, but loom large in the kind of his­to­ry that I am con­cerned with. The first was the Voj­na Hard Labour Camp, in the for­est near the vil­lage of Příbram, and the sec­ond was the site of Lidice, a vil­lage that no longer exists. Read more »

Image of the month: The Turning Road

#F (4415)

André Derain (1880–1954) : L’Es­taque, route tour­nante (1906) oil 129.5 cm x 195 cm

Wednesday, January 30, 2008 — Canada in Afghanistan ― Ottawa Releases a Puff of Hot Air

Canada’s armed forces have been in Afghanistan since 2002, at a cost of 79 deaths (78 sol­diers and one diplo­mat), and a large, though very dif­fi­cult to assess mon­e­tary cost. Like most Cana­di­ans, I sup­port­ed send­ing troops to Afghanistan, feel­ing that the peo­ple of that long-suf­fer­ing land deserved to be defend­ed against fur­ther humil­i­a­tions. Most of the Afghan-Cana­di­ans I spoke to were sup­port­ive of the enter­prise. I knew per­fect­ly well that the ini­tial rea­son for our being there was a kind of indi­rect black­mail from Wash­ing­ton. Join­ing the NATO oper­a­tion in Afghanistan was prob­a­bly the only way that Paul Martin’s admin­is­tra­tion could get away with our refusal to par­tic­i­pate in the dis­as­trous war on Iraq. But I felt there was a chance that we could do some good there, as long as we man­aged to avoid oper­at­ing under the thumb of U.S. forces. Read more »

Friday, January 25, 2008 — What should Canadians do about the global economic slowdown?

It’s not as if the cur­rent eco­nom­ic slump came as a sur­prise to any­one with horse-sense. Those of us who can add two and two and get four have been pre­dict­ing it for a long time. North Amer­i­cans have long lived in a bizarre Con­ser­v­a­tive fan­ta­sy world in which “pros­per­i­ty” and “con­sump­tion” have been inter­change­able words. Thir­ty years of Con­ser­v­a­tive mum­bo-jum­bo has con­vinced an entire gen­er­a­tion that you mag­i­cal­ly get rich mere­ly by buy­ing things ― and mak­ing things is an unnec­es­sary process, a tir­ing and incon­ve­nient, low class kind of busi­ness that we needn’t dirty our hands with. Now we are in a bloody big mess.  Read more »

Wednesday, January 23, 2008 — The Lure of the Yam Boss

To under­stand how polit­i­cal pow­er works, you have to under­stand the basic unit of pol­i­tics, which is the indi­vid­ual “con-job”. Polit­i­cal pow­er struc­tures are not the result of neb­u­lous col­lec­tive forces or abstrac­tions. They are cre­at­ed by indi­vid­ual human beings. These are not ordi­nary human beings, with ordi­nary motives, but spe­cial­ists, with motives dis­tinct from those that move you or me. In fact, it is the very ordi­nar­i­ness, rea­son­able­ness, and pre­dictabil­i­ty of our motives that enables spe­cial­ists in pow­er acqui­si­tion to flour­ish among us. The spe­cial­ist in pow­er acqui­si­tion oper­ates, like any preda­tor, by strate­gies of which it is con­scious, but its prey is not. The­o­ries of his­to­ry which inter­pret the activ­i­ties of rulers, aris­toc­ra­cies, and pow­er elites as act­ing uncon­scious­ly, or dri­ven by col­lec­tive “belief sys­tems” or ide­olo­gies are pro­found­ly off the mark. Read more »

SIXTH MEDITATION ON DEMOCRACY (written January 10, 2008)

For this Med­i­ta­tion on Democ­ra­cy, the sixth in the series, I will under­take a cri­tique of some cur­rent­ly dom­i­nant ideas about the role of democ­ra­cy in human his­to­ry, and attempt to pro­vide a con­cep­tu­al frame­work for look­ing at democ­ra­cy in a dif­fer­ent, more real­is­tic way. This will mean that some of the ground cov­ered in ear­li­er med­i­ta­tions will be revis­it­ed. It will also draw on the col­lab­o­ra­tive work between myself and Prof. Steven Muhlberg­er, pub­lished in the Jour­nal of World His­to­ry, and on the World His­to­ry of Democ­ra­cy Web­site. I am exclu­sive­ly respon­si­ble, how­ev­er, for the views expressed in this series. 

The cri­tique will rest on these assertions:

Democ­ra­cy is not a tem­po­rary or recent phe­nom­e­non, but a mode of human social behav­iour that has exist­ed since the ear­li­est com­mu­ni­ties of “mod­ern” humans appeared, some­where between six­ty and a hun­dred thou­sand years ago, and which is in turn based on our roots among pro­to-humans and our pri­mate ancestors.

Democ­ra­cy is an expres­sion of fun­da­men­tal ele­ments in human social psy­chol­o­gy, and hence, not “cul­ture-spe­cif­ic” or “belong­ing” to any par­tic­u­lar human cul­ture, eth­nic group, or locality.

Democ­ra­cy is not an “ide­ol­o­gy” co-equal and alter­na­tive to oth­er “polit­i­cal sys­tems”, but is in fact sui gener­is, a mode of human behav­iour fun­da­men­tal­ly dif­fer­ent from ide­olo­gies of pow­er and rule. Read more »

Image of the month:

08-01-01 BLOG Image of the month

Image of the month:

07-12-01 BLOG Image of the month

Wednesday, November 21, 2007- Kiva — A New Twist on Micro-lending.

The Micro-lend­ing Rev­o­lu­tion has done more to improve the lot of ordi­nary human beings than any oth­er social move­ment. It has many anti­ci­dents, since rotat­ing cred­it asso­ci­a­tions and fra­ter­ni­ties have a long, though most­ly undoc­u­ment­ed his­to­ry. The island of Oki­nawa, for exam­ple, has had mul­ti-pur­pose, demo­c­ra­t­i­cal­ly man­aged co-oper­a­tive asso­ci­a­tions called moai for cen­turies, which oper­ate as effec­tive micro-lenders. [1] The moai are such con­vivial and effec­tive insti­tu­tions that many Oki­nawans attribute their unusu­al good health and long lifes­pans to par­tic­i­pat­ing in them [2]. Nine­teenth cen­tu­ry pio­neers of sav­ings-and-loan co-oper­a­tives in Scot­land, Bohemia (Raif­feisen), and Cana­da (Des­jardins) were at first involved in the kind of small scale pro­duc­er-cred­it that is today called micro-lend­ing, and it was this ele­ment in them that helped cre­ate aston­ish­ing leaps in social equal­i­ty and pros­per­i­ty in those places, though the insti­tu­tions they found­ed grad­u­al­ly came to be con­ven­tion­al con­sumer-ori­ent­ed banks. In 1976, Muham­mad Yunus found­ed the Grameen Bank, which began as a research project by Yunus and the Rur­al Eco­nom­ics Project at Bangladesh’s Uni­ver­si­ty of Chit­tagong to test his method for pro­vid­ing cred­it and bank­ing ser­vices to the rur­al poor. The first loan was for only $27.  Read more »

Tuesday, November 20, 2007 — What’s So Simple?

Many things irri­tate me when I read anthro­po­log­i­cal lit­er­a­ture, and the work of his­to­ri­ans who absorb the premis­es of anthro­pol­o­gists. Ter­mi­nol­o­gy is every­thing, and no ter­mi­nol­o­gy is “neu­tral”. All names for par­tic­u­lar behav­iour among humans car­ry with them imag­is­tic over­tones and unspo­ken val­ue judg­ments. Some­times I learn, dis­con­cert­ing­ly, that many schol­ars cus­tom­ar­i­ly use a sim­ple term with an implied mean­ing entire­ly oppo­site that which seems obvi­ous or nat­ur­al to me.

One of those terms is “indi­vid­u­al­ism”. Time and time again, I’ve read some aca­d­e­m­ic paper, book, or arti­cle in which the term “indi­vid­u­al­ism” is used with overt or sub­tle hos­til­i­ty. When the hos­til­i­ty is overt, the terms “self­ish” (bad) and “atom­istic” (under­stood to be very very bad) are added in sprin­kles. Since “indi­vid­u­al­ism” is, in my mind, a word that des­ig­nates the most pro­found­ly moral and pos­i­tive of human atti­tudes, this usu­al­ly leaves me some­what baf­fled. Many schol­ars (espe­cial­ly, it seems, British ones) seem to use the word “indi­vid­u­al­ism” to mean “self­ish­ness”, and to asso­ciate things like class dis­tinc­tions, cru­el­ty, dis­hon­esty, theft, and bul­ly­ing with the word. This, to me, is incom­pre­hen­si­ble non­sense, since the word “indi­vid­u­al­ism” means “the prac­tice of respect for all human beings as equal, autonomous, self-gov­ern­ing indi­vid­u­als, with con­sis­tent respect for their rights”. Class dis­tinc­tions are the prod­uct of col­lec­tivist thought, and indi­vid­u­al­ist thought requires, by def­i­n­i­tion, a total and absolute rejec­tion of class dis­tinc­tions. All forms of bul­ly­ing are vio­la­tions of indi­vid­u­al­ist morality.

Often, I’ve seen writ­ers con­trast “indi­vid­u­al­ism” and “co-oper­a­tion”… entire books being some­times built on the premise that they are oppo­sites. Again, this defies any ratio­nal def­i­n­i­tion of indi­vid­u­al­ism, or any use of the word that I would endorse or find nat­ur­al. Co-oper­a­tion is some­thing that only indi­vid­u­al­ists do. No col­lec­tivist ever prac­ticed co-oper­a­tion. Co-oper­a­tion is the nat­ur­al, log­i­cal, and nec­es­sary rela­tion­ship between indi­vid­u­al­ists; it is how things are done by indi­vid­u­al­ists when they act togeth­er. To the col­lec­tivist men­tal­i­ty, the nat­ur­al modes of inter­ac­tion are vio­lence, the threat of vio­lence, and fraud. All the crimes and hor­rors of human his­to­ry, from the slave and death camps devised by the ide­ol­o­gy of Adolf Hitler and Karl Marx, to the small­est exam­ple of bul­ly­ing in a school­yard, are the prod­uct of some form of col­lec­tivism, some sort of assault on the rights of the indi­vid­ual. All that is praise­wor­thy, and desir­able in human rela­tions is the prod­uct of the asser­tion of the equal dig­ni­ty and rights of the indi­vid­ual human being, in oth­er words, of indi­vid­u­al­ism. Indi­vid­u­al­ism, co-oper­a­tion, egal­i­tar­i­an­ism, jus­tice, free­dom, democ­ra­cy, and civ­i­liza­tion are near cog­nates, that is, words that always belong togeth­er. Any con­cep­tion of human affairs that attempts to con­trast them is false. Col­lec­tivism, vio­lence, hier­ar­chy, injus­tice, oppres­sion, aris­toc­ra­cy, and bar­barism are the con­trast­ing set of near-cog­nates, words that also belong togeth­er at all times.

Anoth­er prac­tice that annoys me is the arbi­trary use of the word “sim­ple” to des­ig­nate demo­c­ra­t­ic and egal­i­tar­i­an struc­tures. I recent­ly read a paper which reviewed a vari­ety of “expla­na­tions” for egal­i­tar­i­an polit­i­cal struc­tures among var­i­ous hunter-gath­er­er soci­eties. In every sin­gle sys­tem reviewed, egal­i­tar­i­an and pro­to-demo­c­ra­t­ic polit­i­cal struc­tures were defined as “sim­ple”, as opposed to hier­ar­chi­cal, monar­chi­cal, and aris­to­crat­ic struc­tures. This usage remained unques­tioned by any of the schol­ars involved, and in fact, obtains in vir­tu­al­ly every book and arti­cle I’ve ever read that touch­es on the sub­ject. Yet it plain­ly makes no sense. What is so damn “com­plex” about a polit­i­cal sys­tem that con­sists of a bunch of ass­holes scream­ing orders at peo­ple, backed up by a bunch of thugs who beat them up? The fact that huge empires and big pyra­mids have been built by this process does not make it either com­plex or sophis­ti­cat­ed. This kind of polit­i­cal sys­tem exists, in iden­ti­cal form, among many troops of baboons. Egal­i­tar­i­an deci­sion-mak­ing, by con­trast, requires sophis­ti­cat­ed tech­niques of debate, con­cen­sus-form­ing, and accom­mo­da­tion. There is noth­ing sim­ple about it. Bash­ing in heads is sim­ple. Democ­ra­cy is sophisticated.

But, if you accept the premis­es behind the cul­tur­al clas­si­fi­ca­tions employed by most of our his­to­ri­ans and anthro­pol­o­gists, then the polit­i­cal body that I inhab­it, in which mil­lions of peo­ple with dif­fer­ent eth­nic, reli­gious, and cul­tur­al back­grounds engage in a myr­i­ad of eco­nom­ic and social inter­ac­tions with vis­i­ble har­mo­ny and good tem­per, and in which I can eas­i­ly approach a fed­er­al cab­i­net min­is­ter and argue nation­al pol­i­cy, is defined as “sim­pler” and “more prim­i­tive” than the hier­ar­chi­cal Nazi death camp at Buchen­wald, where there was no trou­ble deter­min­ing who was in charge and who was not.

This sil­ly scheme of hunter-gath­er­ers exem­pli­fy­ing a “sim­ple” polit­i­cal sys­tem which sup­pos­ed­ly inevitably evolved into a “com­plex” and “sophis­ti­cat­ed” sys­tem of aris­toc­ra­cy and inequal­i­ty is part of the over­all bun­dle of non­sense that we have inher­it­ed from nine­teenth cen­tu­ry philoso­phers. They trans­formed their wor­ship of pow­er into a frame­work of clichés, all of which re-enforced the sup­po­si­tion that indi­vid­u­al­ist-egal­i­tar­i­an-demo­c­ra­t­ic ideas are “prim­i­tive”, while col­lec­tivist ones are “advanced”. You see the residue of this in every muse­um dis­play or school text­book in which it is glibly explained that some soci­ety “evolved” into a “civ­i­lized” state by acquir­ing an aristocracy.

It is time we grew up, and real­ized that thug­gery is not sophisticated.