Canada’s armed forces have been in Afghanistan since 2002, at a cost of 79 deaths (78 soldiers and one diplomat), and a large, though very difficult to assess monetary cost. Like most Canadians, I supported sending troops to Afghanistan, feeling that the people of that long-suffering land deserved to be defended against further humiliations. Most of the Afghan-Canadians I spoke to were supportive of the enterprise. I knew perfectly well that the initial reason for our being there was a kind of indirect blackmail from Washington. Joining the NATO operation in Afghanistan was probably the only way that Paul Martin’s administration could get away with our refusal to participate in the disastrous war on Iraq. But I felt there was a chance that we could do some good there, as long as we managed to avoid operating under the thumb of U.S. forces.
With the electoral victory of the Conservatives, that hope began to be riddled with doubt. Stephen Harper, our current prime minister, is a Bush bum-kisser of the first order, with a transparent agenda of destroying Canada’s independence and its economy. Under his arrogant, secretive, and manipulative hand, the operation has quickly been transformed into something suspiciously un-Canadian. Many Canadians are beginning to have serious doubts about the “mission”, which gets vaguer and vaguer in its objectives, benchmarks, and justification with every passing military funeral.
It has not been an easy operation. Canada has the fourth largest contingent in Afghanistan. They are mostly deployed to secure and defend Kandahar, which is the traditional core area of the Taliban, mostly Pashtun-speaking, and near the porous border with Pakistan, where the dictator Musharaff incubated and still protects the enemy. Since the Bush administration actively collaborates with this enemy of America, Canada, and the Afghan people, there is little hope of doing anything except accumulate casualties in a stagnant status-quo. Canadian soldiers are dying at a rate approaching four times higher than American and U.K forces in Afghanistan and 2.6 times higher than U.S. forces in Iraq, according to a Department of National Defense report that was only squirreled out of obscurity by journalists resorting to the Freedom of Information laws.[1] The proportion of Canadian soldiers killed by enemy action is higher even than it was in all but one year of WWII. Not to mention an absurdly high rate of casualties from American “friendly fire”.
The issue of numbers of fatalities is not, as many imagine, the crucial one. Compared to Canada’s military tasks in the past, securing Kandahar seems pretty light stuff. On April 9, 1917, almost 100,000 Canadian soldiers charged Vimy Ridge, which the German army had fortified heavily with trenches, barbed wire, artillery and machine-gun nests. Five thousand Canadian troops were killed and seven thousand were wounded. So we are hardly likely to panic over 79 dead in war. Soldiers join the army with the expectation of risking their lives, and in fact we can only maintain a competent army if it has some experience with real combat. Most Canadian troops in Afghanistan seem to be dedicated to sticking to the mission.
But it is irrelevant whether Canadian troops on the ground desire to continue their activities in Afghanistan. They are military specialists, eager to prove themselves in combat, and trained specifically to have a sense of confidence and solidarity. Of course our soldiers want to engage in combat. That’s their raison d’être. Otherwise, they would have pursued other careers.
The real issue is why these soldiers are being sent to risk and sometimes lose their lives. It’s the job of our Parliament (not the Prime Minister ― he is not a President.) to decide why, when and where our soldiers will fight. If Canadian politicians expend the lives of Canadian soldiers merely to advance their own careers, or out of cowardly submission to foreign powers, or for idiotic reasons of “image”, then they are acting, in my view, as traitors to my country. And any government official, such as Stephen Harper, who uses the dishonest rhetoric of “we must support our troops” to disguise such treason, should not be allowed to get away with it.
The real tragedy of World War I, for instance, was not that so many young Canadians gave their lives, but that they gave their lives for the sake of corrupt morons who lied to us. At the end of “the War to End All Wars”, which was the product of quarreling European royal families, none of the aggressors were punished. The Kaiser was pensioned off to live for decades in a luxurious mansion, and most of the organizers of atrocities and mass murder went on to successful and financially rewarding careers. The legacy of all that slaughter was to set up the world for the horrors of Communism and Nazism. For that wretched swindle, one Canadian family in five suffered a casualty, and the fields of Flanders were littered with the rotting corpses of tens of thousands of Canadian farm boys.
So we should always regard any attempt by the government to get us involved in warfare with extreme suspicion. If the “mission” is surrounded by a fog of vagueness and emotional manipulation, as this one is, we should be vigilant for deception, and demand hard facts.
In this particular case, hard facts are not easy to find. I’ve been crawling through whatever potential sources I have to hand: Department of National Defense, CIDA, and Parliamentary reports, documents from the Afghan Government, NATO, and CBC’s files, etc. The picture they form is not encouraging. The most pathetic of these is the supposedly non-partisan “Manley Report”, released a few days ago.[2]
The Manley Report is probably the only document concerning Afghanistan that most of our Members of Parliament are likely to read, and it is, to put it mildly, a load of codswallop. I have seldom seen so transparently fraudulent and inane a report released on a major public issue. First of all, the “independent” panel consists entirely of corporate hacks from big business, several from media conglomerates, and most with close ties to Harper’s Conservative party.[3] Second of all, their “expertise” is laughable. Only two have some diplomatic experience, and none have any military knowledge, or competence in Afghan affairs. The report has virtually nothing in it, except some general facts about the Afghan war that could have been copied and pasted from Wikipedia, and re-phrasings of the nebulous generalities in Stephen Harper’s speeches. The report is a joke. The only thing it says is, essentially, “stay the course”, with the caviat that we should rethink it in the future if other NATO participants don’t pony up some more troops to relieve us. Unlike most of the NATO forces, we are not “partnered”, and occupy Kandahar without even potential backup from any other NATO participant. The caviat is probably a device for creating an optional “out”, and it has been interpreted by some American media as a sign of Canada “threatening” to withdraw. [4]
The one most glaring absence in this deep “analysis” of our Afghan commitments is money. There is not a word about what anything has cost us, or will cost us. In fact, it is astonishing that this issue has not been discussed at any length in the Canadian media. And it would be hard to discuss. I’ve found it singularly difficult to locate any specific information on how much money is being spent, or how it is being spent. I could not find any reliable-looking figures, and the few estimates I’ve encountered differ wildly. On the basis of what little I’ve seen, we appear to be talking about seven billion dollars committed, so far, and perhaps as much as nine.[5] There are many ways of calculating the costs, and some of them, like the medical costs of treating the wounded, are untraceable. To give you an idea of the grotesqueness of the amounts we are spending, compare them to our trade with Afghanistan, from which we annually import little more than half a million dollars worth of goods, and sell about nine million.[6]
I started looking through CIDA reports[7], which should reveal the most important of the humanitarian expenditures. Most Canadians believe that these are the main focus and intent of our presence in Afghanistan. So, what could I see there? Not much. The programs and expenditures in things like micro-lending funds, sanitation and education projects, infrastructure improvement, etc, all appear to be quite laudable and well-thought out efforts. But they involve only an insignificant percentage of what we are spending in the war. The CIDA accounts show that all the stuff we are supposed to be doing, that Canadians want us to be doing, are relegated to the penny jar. Despite endless yapping about them from our government, it’s obvious that they’re only window-dressing. The agenda lies elsewhere, and the Afghan people can only expect whatever chump change that is considered sufficient to salve consciences back home. In other words, the whole thing is a fraud. We aren’t in Afghanistan to do anybody any good except Stephen Harper and his cronies. We are being suckered again. Maybe it’s not on the scale of Vimy Ridge, but the principle is the same.
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[1] National Post, Friday, January 04, 2008
[2] Manley, John; Derek H. Burney, Jake Epp, Paul Tellier, Pamela Wallin — Final Report of theIndependent Panel on Canada’s Future Role in Afghanistan /
Rapport finale du groupe d’experts indépendants sur let rôle futur du Canada en Afghanistan . Library and Archives Canada. 2008
[3] The chairman of the commission, John Manley, is a former Liberal cabinet minister, a standard device for claiming its “non-partisan” status. It should be noted,
however, that Manley’s chief claim to fame was that he was extremely friendly toward the G.W.Bush administration.
[4] Such is how it was reported on PBS, the day after the report was released.
[5] Perry, David (Centre for Foreign Policy Studies, Dalhousie University) — The Price of the Afghan Mission — Vanguard (Defense and Security journal).
[6] CIA World Fact Book.
[7] Canadian International Development Agency [CIDA]:1) Afghanistan Reconstruction Trust Fund — National Program including Kandahar Province:
Project Number:A032445 Current Phase:2003–2008 Budget Allocation and Disbursements; 2) Microfinance Program in Afghanistan — National Program:
Project Number:A032234 Current Phase:2003–2010 Budget Allocation and Disbursements ; 3) National Solidarity Program — National Program
including Kandahar Province: Project Number:A032660 Current Phase:2003–2010 Budget Allocation and Disbursements.
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