(Robert Paine –ed.) Patrons and Brokers in the East Arctic

An un-named Naskapi family at DAvis Inlet, Labrador, 1961. [Photo by Barbara Hinds, a Halifax journalist]

An un-named Naskapi fam­i­ly at Davis Inlet, Labrador, 1961. [Pho­to by Bar­bara Hinds, a Hal­i­fax journalist]

When this col­lec­tion of papers came out, in the 1970’s, stud­ies of “patrons and clients” were in vogue in social anthro­pol­o­gy. The edi­tor begins by express­ing some doubts about the valid­i­ty of the ter­mi­nol­o­gy. He is well aware of the ambi­gu­i­ties involved in defin­ing a “patron” role, with its pre­sump­tion that one par­ty is the social supe­ri­or of the oth­er, and the dif­fi­cul­ties of deter­min­ing just who is behold­en to whom in any social exchange. The stud­ies in the col­lec­tion are most­ly from the Cana­di­an Arc­tic (in some cas­es, com­mu­ni­ties with which I have some famil­iar­i­ty). The soci­ety in these north­ern com­mu­ni­ties has changed a lot since then. Most arc­tic and sub­arc­tic com­mu­ni­ties had lit­tle inter­ac­tion with the Cana­di­an gov­ern­ment until after World War II. A hand­ful of mis­sion­ar­ies, the Moun­ties, and Hudson’s Bay Com­pa­ny fac­tors had formed a thin lay­er of out­siders for gen­er­a­tions. But after World War II, the HBC’s role was dis­placed by the Provin­cial and Fed­er­al Gov­ern­ments, and those Gov­ern­ments were deter­mined to trans­form and man­age “native” life and society.What both­ers me about all of these papers is that they con­sis­tent­ly talk about how the Naskapi and Innu­it peo­ple were being exposed to “the val­ues of Euro-Cana­di­an soci­ety” and “a mar­ket econ­o­my”. Now, this is non­sense. First of all, the eco­nom­ic arrange­ments forced on them by the var­i­ous gov­ern­ments had absolute­ly noth­ing what­so­ev­er to do with any “mar­ket econ­o­my”. Quite the oppo­site. What was new­ly imposed on them was a cen­tral­ly direct­ed, State-owned and oper­at­ed Com­mand Econ­o­my. For exam­ple, the Naskapi who came under the aggres­sive social engi­neer­ing of the New­found­land Gov­ern­ment (which oper­at­ed Labrador more or less as a dis­tant colony), sud­den­ly found that import­ed goods were avail­able only through the gov­ern­ment-run “store”. The store-keep­er was a civ­il ser­vant, whose pri­ma­ry func­tion was to con­trol and deliv­er wel­fare pay­ments and oth­er gov­ern­ment ser­vices. Nobody could com­pete with him, and there was no incen­tive or reward for him to, for exam­ple, improve ser­vice or stock what peo­ple want­ed. Invari­ably, he saw his “com­mer­cial” func­tions as mere­ly part of his role as a wel­fare offi­cer. The tea and tobac­co that peo­ple pur­chased with their earn­ings were essen­tial­ly re-clas­si­fied as just more “gifts” from the gov­ern­ment. Such offi­cials usu­al­ly felt they had the right to pass judg­ment on peo­ples’ choic­es and pur­chas­es, and to pre­vent pur­chas­es they dis­ap­proved of. To describe this kind of thing as the Naskapi being “intro­duced to a mar­ket econ­o­my” is just plain sil­ly. It is dou­ble non­sense to talk about it as the intru­sion of “south­ern” or “Cana­di­an” val­ues. Out­side of pris­ons, ordi­nary Cana­di­ans are not sub­ject­ed to eco­nom­ic process­es and rela­tion­ships even remote­ly like this.

 traders gathered Naskapi traders outside the Hudson's Bay Company post in Davis Inlet, August 1903

Naskapi traders out­side the Hud­son’s Bay Com­pa­ny post at Davis Inlet, August 1903

In fact, there was noth­ing alien or sur­pris­ing about a “mar­ket econ­omy” to the Naskapi when the New­found­land gov­ern­ment barged in, in the 1950s. In the win­ter, the Naskapi lived pri­mar­ily by hunt­ing big game in the inte­rior. To do this, they scat­tered across the land­scape, in micro-bands and fam­ily part­ner­ships. As is usu­al in this kind of hunt­ing, the acquired game was dis­trib­uted through a net­work of fam­ily and part­ner­ship oblig­a­tions. But in the sum­mer, they engaged in fish­ing, usu­ally singly or in fam­i­lies, and there were no cus­tom­ary redis­tri­b­u­tion require­ments for the fish. For cen­turies, sur­plus fish and furs were trad­ed to the south, at first through the com­plex trade net­works that had criss-crossed North Amer­ica for thou­sands of years, then with French Cana­dian and Métis traders. Cash was not involved, but mod­ern read­ers have an unin­formed habit of assum­ing that cash is the sig­nif­i­cant fea­ture of a “mar­ket econ­omy”. In fact, until the mid­dle of the 19th cen­tury, “Euro-Cana­di­ans” used hard­ly any more cash that the abo­rig­i­nal pop­u­la­tion. There sim­ply wasn’t much hard cur­rency cir­cu­lat­ing, and what lit­tle there was, was usu­ally bro­ken up pieces of Span­ish mon­ey, or stray Amer­i­can cur­rency. Almost all pio­neer-era exchanges were barter, or entries “on account” in store ledgers, absolute­ly iden­ti­cal to the trans­ac­tions with the Hudson’s Bay Com­pany that Inu­it and Naskapi were accus­tomed to. Even mil­i­tary offi­cers in colo­nial Cana­da were sel­dom paid in cash, but rather with cut­lery and dish­es, reserved spots in church pews, and oth­er perquisites. The exten­sive use of cash trans­ac­tions entered “native” and “Euro-Cana­di­an” cul­ture at the same time.

With reli­gion, it is exact­ly the same sto­ry. It’s quite wrong to speak of the intru­sion of mis­sion­ar­ies into the lives of sub­arc­tic peo­ples as being the intro­duc­tion of Cana­dian reli­gious and social val­ues. While the ear­ly mis­sion­ar­ies were sin­cere, and the Naskapi found them help­ful, these were soon enough replaced by a hard­ened bureau­cra­cy with a pater­nal­is­tic ide­ol­o­gy and unlim­it­ed pow­ers, backed by the gov­ern­ment. Reli­gion, as pro­mul­gated by this insti­tu­tion, bore no resem­blance to reli­gion as it was prac­ticed in Toron­to, Mon­treal, or Win­nipeg. In Toron­to, a local min­is­ter or parish priest is not in a posi­tion to deter­mine whether you get a car loan, or to barge into your home and black­mail you into giv­ing up drink­ing, or mon­i­tor your pri­vate behav­iour. Church­es and cler­ics in nor­mal Cana­dian soci­ety must com­pete for your inter­est and atten­tion, are not tol­er­ated as med­dlers, and cer­tainly do not have the pow­er to inter­fere in the eco­nomic life of our house­holds. But that is pre­cisely the kind of pow­er that mis­sion­ar­ies wield­ed in Naskapi and Innu­it com­mu­ni­ties, and it was exer­cised relent­lessly and unabashedly.

Could a Methodist pas­tor in nor­mal Cana­dian soci­ety force you to part with your chil­dren, and send those chil­dren off to a remote board­ing school (often to be humil­i­ated, phys­i­cally abused and, in some cas­es, raped)? Could he pun­ish them for speak­ing their fam­ily lan­guage, so that they could bare­ly talk to their par­ents and not at all to their grand­par­ents? Would they be allowed to brain­wash your chil­dren into despis­ing you and every­thing about their life in your home? Of course, not. Peo­ple in nor­mal Cana­da would rise up as one and burn every church to the ground if their priests and min­is­ters per­pe­trated such crimes.

These crimes were pos­si­ble because the mis­sion­ar­ies had a cowed, unsus­pect­ing, and eco­nom­i­cally vul­ner­a­ble pop­u­la­tion in their grasp, on which they could per­form total­i­tar­ian social engi­neer­ing exper­i­ments which are fun­da­men­tally alien to every­thing Cana­di­ans stand for, believe in, and live by. The mis­sion­ar­ies had the over­whelm­ing pow­er of the State to back them up. Chil­dren whom they could not hus­tle into the Res­i­den­tial School Sys­tem by intim­i­da­tion would sim­ply have been seized at gun­point. The vic­tims were not, repeat not cit­i­zens of Cana­da. They were “wards of the state”, with­out the right to vote until the 1960s, and stripped of all the nor­mal legal pro­tec­tions of Cana­dian cit­i­zen­ship. To talk of this shit as a form of “accul­tur­a­tion” to Cana­dian soci­ety is non­sense piled on non­sense. I will not even con­cede that the mis­sion­ar­ies should be called “Chris­tians”… Their actions were more in line with the thoughts of Chair­man Mao than with any­thing that Cana­di­ans would rec­og­nize as Christianity.

con­tents:
14533. (Robert Paine) A The­ory of Patron­age and Bro­ker­age [arti­cle]
14534. (Georg Hen­rik­son) The Trans­ac­tional Basis of Influ­ence: White Men
. . . . . Among Naskapi Indi­ans [arti­cle]
14535. (Mil­ton Free­man) Tol­er­ance and Rejec­tion of Patron Roles in an
. . . . . Eski­mo Set­tle­ment [arti­cle]
14536. (Jean Brig­gs) Strate­gies of Per­cep­tion: The Man­age­ment of Ethnic
. . . . . Iden­tity [arti­cle]
14537. (James Hiller) Ear­ly Patrons of the Labrador Eski­mos: The Moravian
. . . . . Mis­sion in Labrador, 1765–1865 [arti­cle]
14538. (Robert Paine) Con­clu­sions [arti­cle]

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